Moms Demand Action for Gun Sense in America (MDA), Mayors Against Illegal Guns (MAIG), and Organizing for Action (OFA) have all made clear they intend to use the first anniversary of the heinous crime at Sandy Hook Elementary to push for stricter gun control laws.
According to National Review, all three groups plan "to use [the anniversary] as a rallying point on which to push for extended federal background checks." And one or two of the three may go even further, "ranging into an 'assault weapons' ban or restriction on 'high capacity' magazines."
The sad part of this politicization is that extended federal background checks would not have prevented the heinous crime at Sandy Hook Elementary. Senator Joe Manchin (D-WV)—the sponsor of the expanded background check legislation—admitted this during an April 14th appearance on Face The Nation.
Moreover, expanded background checks would not have prevented the attacks at Ft. Hood, the DC Navy Yard, or at LAX, among others.
This is why National Review says gun control advocates in MDA, MAIG, and OFA "will have their work cut out selling [gun control] to the public, let alone to Congress."
The opening prologue of the new tell-all book from Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF) special agent John Dodson shows the ATF was made aware of concerns that someone in U.S. law enforcement might die as a result of the program Operation Fast and Furious as early May 2010.
Several months later, on Dec. 15, 2010, U.S. Border Patrol agent Brian Terry was murdered with Fast and Furious weapons that Mexican drug cartel operatives in the region were using.
Dodson is the man who single-handedly brought the truth about Operation Fast and Furious to the American people as a whistleblower and has published a tell-all book about the program and his struggle to get the story out. The Unarmed Truth: My Fight to Blow the Whistle and Expose Fast and Furious hit shelves on Tuesday and has already garnered attention of several major media outlets. The book details Dodson’s activities with the ATF, his and others’ roles in Operation Fast and Furious, and his decision to go to Congress to blow the whistle on the program.
In the prologue, Dodson opens with a blistering scene from May 2010 when he walked into his office with fellow ATF agent Hope MacAllister—someone who was initially very supportive of Fast and Furious while Dodson opposed it internally at Phoenix’s Strike Force office.
“On an early morning in May 2010, sliding through the metal doors just as they were about to close, I encountered Hope MacAllister,” Dodson writes.
She and I were both assigned to the newly formed Strike Force. Although comprising several federal agencies, including the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (more commonly known as ATF), the Strike Force was located on the fourth floor of the Drug Enforcement Administration’s building in Phoenix. Hope was the case agent for the ongoing investigation she had dubbed "Fast and Furious."
Dodson lays out how he had been, for “nearly half a year” at that point, “waging” a “battle” with regard to Fast and Furious—what Dodson describes as “the Phoenix ATF office’s most prized operation, one that the brass in Washington had taken an unusual interest in.”
“I felt confused, frustrated, and pissed-off with my front- row seat to an impending train wreck,” Dodson writes. “Sharing twenty awkward seconds with the person driving the locomotive did little to make it better.”
Dodson sets the scene of riding the elevator—and all the awkwardness that comes with doing so. Then MacAllister turned to Dodson and asked about Fast and Furious: “John, what do you really think about this case?”
“My mouth opened and for a second or so I didn’t say a word,” Dodson writes about his thoughts in response.
Really? What do I think about this case? For months now, our office had been watching known small-time criminals purchase hundreds of weapons... AK-47 variants, AR variants, .50 cals... all “weapons of choice” for drug traffickers... and then hand them off to drug cartels in Mexico. There was no question in anyone’s mind that these weapons were being trafficked and that we were not only allowing it but in fact facilitating it. A few of us pleaded with our superiors to allow us to arrest these buyers—more commonly known as "straw purchasers"—interdict their load of guns, or seize their money before the purchase. To do something, anything to take some kind of enforcement action. To do our jobs.
Dodson notes that several times, he and his fellow agents who wanted to enforce the laws were told “to stand down.”
“Hope, don’t ask me questions that you don’t want to know the answers to,” Dodson writes of how he responded to MacAllister.
“I do want to know,” MacAllister responded, according to Dodson, noting that she “seemed sincere.”
“What do you really think?” she asked.
After walking off the elevator with her, then down a hallway to their office, Dodson replied:
We’re walking guns. How many guns have we flooded the border with? How much of the crime down there are we responsible for? We are just as culpable as if we had sold them ourselves. We’re never going to get anywhere with this case. We’re not going to climb the ladder. At best, you’re only going to get back to the DEA wire. That’s as high as you can go. We haven’t learned anything. The only thing that’s changed from the very beginning is the number of guns we’ve let walk.
At that point, Dodson and MacAllister had reached their office and had “drawn the attention of everyone in the room.”
“All the agents in our Strike Force Group VII turned to watch, as did the Gun Runner Impact Team (GRIT) guys who were there on detail from all around the country, called in to help us with Fast and Furious,” Dodson writes. “Even David Voth, our group supervisor, had stepped out of his office.”
Dodson says his “eyes were still focused on Hope, but my fury was directed more broadly to all of those complicit in Fast and Furious, a number of whom were within earshot, especially the guy who was now listening closely.”
He asked them all: “What you need to ask yourself is this: Are you prepared to go to a border patrol agent’s funeral or a Cochise County deputy’s funeral over this? Are you prepared to watch that widow accept that folded flag?”
The room went silent.
“Around me jaws dropped, fingers stopped jabbing at keyboards, all attention now intensely focused on us,” Dodson writes. “I had just said what we all knew deep down inside. Everyone in that room knew this was what I thought, but no one had ever expected me to say it aloud, so bluntly, so publicly. I knew what I was doing. I was telling the truth. We were going to get people killed.”
At that point, Dodson gave another dire warning to those present: “It isn’t a matter of ‘if.’ It’s only a matter of ‘when.’ And everyone in this room knows it.”
Seven months later, U.S. Border Patrol agent Brian Terry was murdered in Peck Canyon near Nogales, AZ, several miles inside the U.S. Border with Mexico.
Appearing on Fox News's Hannity on Wednesday, Breitbart News Senior Editor-at-Large and Government Accountability Institute President Peter Schweizer unveiled a shocking study that found President Barack Obama has not had a single one-on-one meeting with Health and Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebelius since the passage of Obamacare in 2010.
Schweizer said a presidential calendar reveals the president's priorities and what is important to him.
"In the case of President Obama, If you look at his calendar, there is no evidence whatsoever that he is focused or has much interest in health care at all," Schweizer said.
After describing Obamacare's launch, especially the HealthCare.Gov website, as an "unmitigated disaster," Schweizer mentioned that Obamacare was the president's "signature domestic policy" reconstituting one-sixth of the country's economy.
"And he can't take the time to meet with the person implementing it?" Schweizer said, noting that the White House has not responded on the matter.
The presidential schedule, though, did not "document a single one-on-one meeting with Secretary Kathleen Sebelius of the Department of Health and Human Services," though there was "one instance of Secretary Sebelius meeting jointly with the President and Secretary of the Treasury Timothy Geithner."
According to the White House schedule, Obama "met with secretaries from the Departments of Defense, State, and Treasury for 263 (95%) out of his 277 face-to-face meetings." Obama also had meetings with "secretaries from the Departments of Agriculture, Education, Justice, Energy, Homeland Security, Interior, Labor, Health and Human Services, Veterans Affairs... [including] two meetings with the Secretary of the Navy Ray Mabus (not an official Cabinet level post)."
As Breitbart News reported, GAI "recorded listings as they were contained on the White House and Politico presidential calendars; other forms of communications, such as private emails or phone calls, are not able to be quantified."
Schweizer said GAI also looked at White House visitor logs and found that whenever Sebelius went to the White House, it was for social functions with "dozens or hundreds of people." And he noted that if Obama met with Sebelius and left the meeting off the books, Sebelius would be the only cabinet secretary whose meetings with the White House were concealed.
Mayor-elect Bill De Blasio garnered honors at a fundraiser for New York Communities for Change (NYCC) where calls for "revolution" and declarations of a “progressive moment” abounded.
De Blasio appeared at the fundraiser as a headliner to support the group, formerly a branch of the embattled and now-defunct community action organization ACORN. NYCC endorsed De Blasio early in his campaign and lent its field operation leaders, as well as former ACORN staff, to strategize for his mayoral bid.
At the fundraiser, he received praise for being New York City's first "progressive Democratic mayor in 20 years,” and he was applauded as the “culmination” of decades of work by activist and union groups. Politicker describes the scene as one in which Democratic elites mingled with radical progressive social leaders, and in which the rhetoric often escalated to Occupy-levels of anti-banker sentiment.
One attendee spoke of "revolution" against Wall Street; another spoke of New York as being in the midst of a “progressive moment.” There were even some threats from the left that De Blasio should remember who put him in office. Sex and the City actress Cynthia Nixon, whom De Blasio has pegged to be on his transition team, gave a "tongue-in-cheek" warning that NYCC would "check our new mayor if suddenly he goes rogue and starts spending his days having three-martini lunches with Wall Streeters."
De Blasio thanked the group and praised its work, saying that NYCC had “shown their own power.” This only further cements his close relationship with far-left community and union groups. De Blasio has been candid about his position on the political spectrum, telling real estate developers that he is "not a free marketeer," and insisting he would fight for the "job security, wages, and benefits" of public workers.
This week, the New York Post editorial board warned that the mayor-elect's union ties could pose a dilemma when it comes time to sign a new contract with teachers' unions, who have made a number of financial demands that stand to do little to help New York City's schools.
A stunning new study unveiled on Fox News' Hannity finds that President Barack Obama’s White House calendar records just one face-to-face meeting between Obama and his Health and Human Services (HHS) Secretary Kathleen Sebelius in the more than three-and-a-half years leading up to the disastrous Obamacare launch.
The startling statistic comes from a new Government Accountability Institute (GAI) analysis of Obama’s own official White House calendar, as well as the Politico presidential calendar, and raises new questions about Obama’s executive leadership and management throughout the implementation of his singular legislative achievement.
More alarming still, the president’s schedule lists 277 private meetings with 16 other Cabinet secretaries in the same time span from Obamacare’s March 23, 2010 signing to November 30, 2013. Why Obama would devote so little face time to the person tasked with implementing what he calls his “most important initiative” is presently unclear.
According to the GAI report, technically, the official White House calendar contains zero meetings with Sebelius, as it only reaches back to July 12, 2010. GAI researchers then used the Politico presidential calendar to assess listings between Obamacare’s signing (March 23, 2010) and the first date listed on the White House’s calendar (July 12, 2010). The study also analyzed the entirety of the Politico calendar from March 23, 2010 to November 30, 2013 and found a single mention of an April 21, 2010 joint meeting between Obama, then-Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner, and Sebelius.
In a November 14th press conference, Obama claimed he “was not informed directly that the website would not be working the way it was supposed to.”
GAI says it recorded listings as they were contained on the White House and Politico presidential calendars; other forms of communications, such as private emails or phone calls, are not able to be quantified.
The lack of in-person meetings between Sebelius and Obama may offer new insight into what the New York Timescalls a “deeply dysfunctional relationship” between HHS and Obama’s White House chief of staff. On Tuesday, the New York Times reported that White House officials are coming under "mounting pressure from Democrats and close allies to hold senior-level people accountable for the botched rollout of President Barack Obama's signature domestic achievement and to determine who should be fired."